Monday, April 11, 2016

Despite Recent Wins, Bernie Still Not Winning

That headline may not make a whole lot of sense.  Or maybe you think I mean that Bernie is still behind in the pledged delegate count (which he is), and that is why he’s not winning.  Right, but wrong. 

Bernie Sanders is still not winning by the margins he needs in order to overtake Hillary Clinton’s pledged delegate lead, which as of April 1st was about 222 delegates.  After winning both Wisconsin and Wyoming since then, Clinton’s lead has only shrunk by 10 delegates to 212. 

Why is this a problem? Wisconsin and Wyoming are among the final few states that are extremely favorable to Sanders.  The majority of the rest of the states are either those in which Clinton has sizable leads or is likely roughly tied with Bernie.  That won’t do. 

I’m sure you’ve heard this number quite a bit recently.  Fifty-seven percent.  It is the average amount of the popular vote Bernie Sanders must win in the remaining contests in order to overtake Hillary Clinton in pledged delegates by the convention.  Actually, the number was 56.6% until Bernie underperformed his targets in Wisconsin and Wyoming this past week.  Even after winning those two states, he’s actually in a worse position, mathematically speaking, than he was prior to the contests.  The chart below illustrates Bernie’s current predicament:


You see, Sanders was expected to win both Wisconsin and Wyoming.  Demographically and geographically, those states were among those that should have been extremely favorable to him.  And to an extent, they were.  Sanders still won both states.  But he didn’t win them by the margin that he needed. 

The chart above divides the total delegates remaining into amounts that Sanders must shoot for in each state in order to overtake Clinton.  In Wisconsin, Bernie’s target was 53 delegates, or approximately 62% of the popular vote.  Instead, he only won 48 delegates.  Same story in Wyoming; Sanders won 4 fewer delegates there than he needed.

To complicate matters even further for the Sanders campaign, he is behind his popular vote targets, in many cases by double digits, in nearly all of the remaining states.  Does that mean he cannot catch up?  No, there is technically still time; in the same way that there is technically still time for President Obama to repeal Citizens United, enact sweeping immigration reform, pass strict new gun laws, and obliterate ISIS completely before he leaves office. 

If you want to know whether Sanders has a real shot at winning the nomination and not just an over-hyped hope, look to New York on April 19th.  Not only must Bernie win here, he must win by nothing short of double digits.  He is currently averaging about 40% in recent polls, so a current prediction of him getting 43% in the primary is not unreasonable. 

If Sanders can win with over 55% of the vote in Clinton’s home state, then yes, he will have a real shot at winning the nomination.  If he loses New York, however, he’s toast, and anyone telling you anything different is either just blowing hot air or is delusional.

Sunday, January 31, 2016

How Ted Cruz Wins the GOP Nomination

Senator Cruz’s path to the Republican nomination is looking smaller and smaller as we speed toward the first votes.  When I wrote about how Trump could win the nomination, Cruz was leading nearly all the polls in Iowa and beginning to slowly climb in New Hampshire.  However, a lot has changed since then.

First and foremost, Trump recognized the threat Cruz represented and moved to halt his momentum.  According to the most recent polls, Trump is now projected to win Iowa, a result that would surely diminish Ted Cruz’s chances of being the Republican nominee.  So how does Senator Cruz win?

His chances hinge on Iowa.  Ted Cruz pretty much must win Iowa in order to go on to win the nomination.  A close second probably won’t do unless no other candidate comes close; then, it will likely be seen as a two-man race between Donald Trump and Ted Cruz. 

Turnout among evangelical voters and new voters is essential for Cruz.  He needs the former to come out in droves and the latter to stay home.  Furthermore, Cruz needs to hope that supporters of other candidates that share his social conservative support will instead decide to caucus for him.  These candidates include Rick Santorum, Mike Huckabee, and Ben Carson.  Collectively, those three candidates make up about 12.4% of the polling average in Iowa.  If they consolidated around Cruz, he would win in a landslide.

After winning Iowa, Cruz will need to grow his support in New Hampshire to collect at least 20% of the vote there.  It may not be enough to win, but it would likely be enough to create a story that he is gaining momentum and has relatively strong support, even in a more moderate and secular state such as New Hampshire. 

From there, the voting will turn to South Carolina, where Trump is currently leading the field and where Sen. Cruz is in second.  Trump’s standing would likely diminish after losing in Iowa, and Cruz should hope that his chief social conservative rivals drop out by this point.  Carson, Huckabee, and Santorum make up about 11% of South Carolina’s polling average.  If the majority of those voters moved to Cruz, he will have a strong shot of winning the state, particularly if no establishment candidate can claim victory in New Hampshire.

Victories in Iowa and South Carolina, along with a split decision in New Hampshire will fuel Cruz for the later states.  Ted Cruz will be strongly positioned for wins in the so-called “SEC primary” on March first.  These primaries include those in many southern states such as Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Virginia, and Cruz’s home state, Texas. 

Importantly, all but one of these states (Virginia) has a threshold a candidate must reach in order to win delegates.  In some the threshold is 15% and others it is 20%.  This means that a candidate like Ben Carson or even Marco Rubio could receive zero delegates if they cannot reach the threshold.  That is good news for Cruz (and Trump) who are the only two candidates currently breaking those thresholds.

Like with the scenario for a Trump win, the nomination will likely be a long and drawn out process, possibly leading all the way to the GOP convention.   Cruz would need to rack up a majority of the delegates by the SEC primary in order to show that he has the momentum and claim the title of eventual nominee. 

His problem, however, is that he is just as despised among the Republican establishment as Donald Trump.  Therefore, it is unlikely that all of the establishment candidates such as Rubio or Bush will drop out of the race anytime soon.  In order for Cruz to win the nomination, he will need to rack up his delegate count in the more conservative southern states and the ‘bible-belt’ and either hope that breaks 50% or receive a clear plurality by the convention.


As I mentioned at the outset, Cruz’s chances have diminished since two weeks ago.  While he still has plenty of money and time, he is faced with the possibility that several candidates will not drop out soon after the first couple primaries, and the nomination will therefore take months to lock up.

Saturday, January 9, 2016

How Donald Trump Wins the GOP Nomination

If you had told me twelve, six, or even three months ago that with only three weeks left until the Iowa caucuses Donald Trump would be leading the Republican pack for the nomination, I would have laughed in your face (and then cried in the fetal position while holding my dogs and telling them that it will be ok). 

But lo and behold, that scenario has played out.   In the RealClearPolitics poll of polls, Trump holds a commanding 13.3% lead over his nearest rival (Sen. Ted Cruz) nationally.  Furthermore, Trump is fairing well in the early states.  In New Hampshire, the Donald is beating a divided establishment field by 16%+; in South Carolina, he leads Cruz by double digits; and even in Iowa, Trump is only four points behind the leader, Ted Cruz. 

If he were any other candidate in any other year, his case for the nomination would be open and shut.  Politicos such as myself wouldn’t be forecasting his eventual downfall.  But it isn’t just any other year, so how does Donald Trump win?

Beginning with the first voting state, Donald Trump needs to make sure that those who say they are supporting him in the polls actually come out to vote.  If Trump loses by a larger than expected margin (which currently would be about 4-8%), he will have to give a good reason why he himself shouldn’t be branded a “loser”.  This is important, because one of Trump’s strengths is his ability to project confidence in his winning ability and his perceived frontrunner status.  If that is challenged, Trump will go into New Hampshire wounded, and he likely won’t perform as well as his current standing would project.

To be clear, Trump doesn’t need to win Iowa.  There is already a perception in the political world that Iowa is Cruz’s to lose.  Winning Iowa would certainly cement Trump’s lead in other states, but losing by a few points to the perceived frontrunner would not necessarily harm him. 

Additionally, Donald Trump needs to ensure that an establishment candidate such as Marco Rubio does not break out and do unexpectedly well.  If Rubio comes close to matching Trump’s support in the state, he will be the story going into New Hampshire.  This is why Rubio is now making a big play for Iowa.

Next up: New Hampshire.  Currently, there are four establishment candidates (Jeb Bush, Chris Christie, Marco Rubio, and John Kasich) vying for a ticket out of The Granite State, and because they all are pulling roughly equal support in the polls, none of them are able to break out to seriously challenge Trump. 

Donald Trump has proven very effective at diminishing a candidate by attacking them when he needs to, so he needs to make sure that he attacks the “most likely” establishment the hardest.  New Hampshire is a state in which Trump needs to win.  He can do this by turning out his supporters as well as doing moderately well in Iowa.

Following New Hampshire are both South Carolina and Nevada.  First and foremost, for Trump to continue winning states, candidates who are not winning need to stay in the race.  For example, should Kasich and Christie not do well in New Hampshire, they could get out of the race, and their supporters would then flock to another candidate who is a close ideological fit, such as Bush and Rubio.  Donald Trump needs to hope those candidates stay in the race a little longer in order for those campaigns to not gain momentum.  As I mentioned above, Trump is doing well in South Carolina and Nevada, so he just needs to continue winning, even if it is only with about 30-35% of the vote.

Beyond the early voting states, Donald Trump begins to have a problem.  While he would still be the perceived frontrunner for the nomination, candidates will begin dropping out and consolidating behind either Cruz or a more establishment candidate.  At this point, Trump will need to begin spending a lot of money to hit Ted Cruz as well as the establishment candidate. 

Because most states have a proportional delegate allocation system, he will need to begin winning states with 50% of the vote.  Doing so will mean he wins all the delegates (save for one delegate each for a candidate who can cross a certain threshold. 

However, chances are that Donald Trump will not be able to win a majority in most states.  Therefore, the nomination will go all the way to the Republican convention in July.  Because the bulk of the GOP establishment will not be inclined to give Trump their support, he will need to use the most important leverage he still has in order to persuade them to do so: a third party run. 

Donald Trump is a billionaire and has a strong a devoted following within the Republican Party.  He could easily run (or threaten to run) as a third party candidate, which would undoubtedly end in disaster for the Republican Party in November.  The Republican establishment will deem it necessary to nominate him, despite their deep reservations, in order to keep the party united against the eventual Democratic nominee and win back the White House. 

There are other scenarios, of course, in which Trump could win the nomination.  He could turn out new voters who aren’t showing up in the polls, do better in the early states than expected, and win some supporters of other candidates currently running.  But as it currently stands, it seems the best shot for Trump to be the GOP nominee is to accumulate a plurality of delegates and then use his popularity as a way to ensure the GOP establishment doesn’t choose someone else at the convention.

Wednesday, August 19, 2015

Democrats Should NOT Nominate Hillary Clinton

Democrats have a real problem on their hands.  The (overwhelming) frontrunner and (so far) presumptive nominee for their party’s nomination for President is embroiled in controversy and scandal, is now losing to several Republicans in head-to-head match-ups, and is distrusted by a large majority of Americans, including Democrats themselves.  How did the party get to this point?

Part of the party’s problem is that it really didn’t have much of a credible alternative to nominating Hillary Clinton.  Beginning in 2010, Republicans began winning incredibly important statewide positions such as governorships and senate seats that could have been used by Democrats to launch a national campaign.  Democrats now hold only 19 governorships and 46 senate seats, and the large majority of those members have little-to-no national profile.

Six months ago, that didn’t seem to be much of a problem, however.  For years it had been assumed that Hillary would run for President, and more like the way the Republican Party once chose its nominee, Democrats were deferential to Clinton, feeling as though it was her turn.  After all, she was still viewed favorably by a majority of Americans, and it appeared as though she held a monolithic bloc of support among Democrats for the nomination. 

In essence, Clinton has spent the last few years boxing out other Democrats from jumping in or even considering joining the race to become President.  The ‘inevitability’ card didn’t work for Hillary in 2008, but that was largely due to the fact that Democrats had a very large bench and a formidable challenger in Barack Obama.  But Hillaryland was confident the same would not happen in 2016, largely due to the aforementioned reasons. 

But now Democrats are (or should be) regretting allowing this to happen.  With each passing day comes a new story detailing Clinton’s woes caused by her email scandal.  And it isn’t just coming from conservative news sites, as Hillary would like us all to believe.  Some of the worst news has come from sources like the New York Times, Washington Post, and even the Obama administration, as its Justice Department and FBI are now investigating if there was any wrongdoing. 

Even if it magically turns out that Clinton did nothing wrong (and that is appearing increasingly unlikely), Democrats should not nominate this flawed candidate.  This has nothing to do with ideology; in fact, on most major issues, Hillary’s views are smack-dab in the middle of where the rest of the Democratic Party is.  In fact, she’s rarely broken with President Obama on any major or minor policy issue.

The issue lies with her trustworthiness, or lack thereof.  Americans deserve a President whom they can trust.  They deserve an election between two candidates for whom they want to vote.  Americans don’t want to vote for “the lesser of two evils”, as I have heard it put numerous times. 

If Hillary Clinton is chosen as the Democrats’ nominee, their party will likely lose next November.  Despite the circus that is the current Republican primary, the GOP will likely nominate a credible candidate.  And while his or her views may not end up aligning with the majority of Americans’ views, the public will still likely choose that Republican, because he or she will be viewed as more honest and trustworthy.

So what options do Democrats have?  For starters, there are the candidates currently declared to be running: Bernie Sanders, Martin O’Malley, Jim Webb, and Lincoln Chafee.  Obviously, at this point, Sanders is the only challenger to Clinton who has more than one or two percent of support from Democratic voters (he is currently averaging 25% in the RCP poll of polls).

Bernie certainly has the enthusiastic support of many Democrats.  His rallies are the largest of any candidate, Democrat or Republican, and they are even rivaling the size of President Obama’s.  Sanders has held consistent liberal beliefs and has even attracted support from those normally disaffected with politics.  It is possible, like Obama before him, he could bring in and attract new voters and independents.

However, Sander’s own liberal views could be his downfall in a general election.  Whether his supporters want to admit it or not, his self-described socialist label will likely turn off more independents than it will attract.  His positions are much more liberal than the country as a whole, and it is unlikely he would survive a general election.  Further, his age would make him the oldest President ever elected.  In the past six elections, Americans have always elected the younger of the two candidates. 

Then we have Martin O’Malley.  On paper, O’Malley seems like an ideal alternative to Clinton.  He has eight years of executive experience as Maryland’s Governor, and before that he was mayor of Baltimore.  As Governor, he championed liberal causes like ending the death penalty, legalizing gay marriage, and raising the minimum wage, among others.  He is relatively young and energetic and, fairly or not, looks like he could be a President.

But O’Malley isn’t catching fire anywhere, largely due to the fact that Clinton and Sanders have sucked up all the oxygen in the media.  October’s debate will be the first chance for O’Malley to truly show his skills and ideas when matched up against the other two, but so far, he doesn’t have a national organization that would be ready to turn increased support into actual votes.

Jim Webb and Lincoln Chafee are both in a category even lower than O’Malley.  Webb is likely much too conservative for the Democratic base.  And while he would likely be a good general election candidate (former Senator from Virginia, a swing state; a decorated former navy veteran; fairly blunt-spoken), he is not a good primary election candidate.  Chafee has been a Republican and Independent before recently switching to the Democratic Party.  While his views align with most Democratic voters, he has zero national profile and has terrible politicking skills.

Which leads us to any other candidates who haven’t yet declared.  Vice President Biden is the most obvious choice.  He clearly has the experience necessary to become President.  His views align well with the Democratic base and are often more liberal than even Obama’s.  Unlike most candidates who would jump into the race at this late stage, Biden would likely be able to raise the money and organization to at least compete nationally by the time the primaries are under way. 

Biden’s main problem is that he wouldn’t be seen as a change candidate in an election that will likely want just that.  Any Democrat will have trouble making the case that they are not just another four more years of Obama’s Presidency, but for Obama’s VP, that case would be nearly impossible to make. 

Should Biden decide to run, he would need to decide immediately.  It will take time for the organization to be built and the funds raised.  More importantly, it will take time for Democrats to realize that Hillary is vulnerable and that Biden is a much more credible alternative. 

There aren’t many other options left for Democrats.  Elizabeth Warren, once thought to be a true challenger to Clinton, has ruled out running, and it seems as though she will stick to that.  In any case, if she jumped in now, she would likely just split the more liberal vote that is already supporting Sanders.  Al Gore is also unlikely to decide to run, and he wouldn’t be a great candidate for Democrats anyway.  


Are Democrats now stuck with Clinton?  Not necessarily.  But they need to realize quickly that her problems are not going to go away, and will only likely get worse.  Democrats should stop supporting Clinton now in the hope that she will either drop out or that someone else will be able to start gaining traction.